JESUS'JEWISH FOLLOWERS DURING THE SECOND CHRISTIAN CENTURY As the first century drew to a close, it became apparent to the Nazarenes that their problems consisted not only in the antipathy and animosity between thensleves and their fellow Jews, but also significantly between themselves and gentile Christians. In brief, by the year C.E. 100, they realized that the Church of the gentiles had turned into a non-Jewish religion, one which they regarded as idolatrous. And to add insult to injury, this gentile Church loudly proclaimed itself as the True Church, inheritor of the true Apostolic Tradition, and branded the Nazarenes as HERETICAL SECTARIANS. Hence it came to be that the Nazraenes, the actual physical and spiritual descendants of the Mother Church of Jerusalem, were now looked upon as heretics by both Jews and Christians, and by this time, the word "Christian" no longer meant a gentile follower of the Jamsian Nazarene movement, but it had rather taken on the full meaning that it has today. This is most typified by the appearence of the Gospel According to St. John. The Gospel According to St. John was written about the year 100 C.E., some three and a half generations after the death of Jesus. In that short space of time, the historical Jewish person, Jesus the Nazarene, had been transformed into the Divine. Paul had called Jesus the Son of G-d. The man, writing as John, presents Jesus to his readers as G-d the Son. The Jesus of John is barely a human being, much less a Jew. John's Jesus is the Logos, the emanation of the Father made manifest in flesh, the new Torah as divine man, the very God of the Christians, dressed up as a Jew, but as gentile and antipathic to Jews as his worshippers. In his gospel, "the" Jews, not the religious leaders nor the Romans, have become the chied opponents of Jesus, and as the very chief opponent of Jesus is Satan, so the Jews of John's gospel become the agents of Satan (8:44). John has particular animosity for those Jews who, at one time, believed in Jesus, now no longer believe (6:66; 8:31). He may here not be refering to Jews in general but to Jewish Nazarenes. (Revelation, also said to have been authored by John, refers to them as those claiming to be Jews but who are of Satan's synagogue; (2:9;3:9)). In passing, we may mention that the "John" of this gospel is said to be John the Beloved, the son of Zebedee, brother of James killed by Herod Agrippa. In Christian folklore, this John was believed to have lived a very long time. According to this belief then, if he actually had been the author, writing some 70 years after Jesus' death, he would indeed have been quite an aged man. John, we remember, was one of the original of the triumvirate leaders, alomg with Peter and James the Tsaddik. The death of James and of Peter took place a few years before the war with Rome. Nowhere is John's death alluded to. He is the last of the first Nazarene leaders and his historical fate is unkown. Yet it would be ludicrous to believe that this ardent Galilean "Zionist", with Zealot leanings should have written this last gospel which contains some of the most virulent anti-semitic statements in the entire New Testament. The import of this book for us is not so much its anti-Jewishness as its documentation of how utterly removed from Jews and Jewishness the gentile Christians had become by this time. By the begining of the second Christian century, the Jewish followers of Jesus, now living mainly in Galilee and the northern areas of Trans-Jordan, principally in the city of Pella which was the seat of their "government in exile", forced by rabbinic Jews to keep to themsleves and worship in their own synagogues, had begun to call themselves by the name, Evyonim (Ebionites) rather than Nazarenes. This Hebrew name means "Poor People" and may have been prompted by Jesus's admonition that the poor are happy (blessed) because to them belongs the Kingdom of Heaven. They chose this name as a sign of humility as Jesus' faithful people, persecuted on all sides. As to the name of Nazarenes, we have pointed out that it implies "secret society", and by this time Jesus' Jewish followers no longer felt that they constituted such a society. Certainly their activities were above board and open for all, Jew and Roman, to see. In Erets Yisrael, they were concentrated in Capernaum, Caesarea, and Sepphoris. In several Tractates of the Talmud, there is mention of a certain apparently well known Evyon named Jacob of Kefar Sichnin (or Sechanya) who frequented Sepphoris and tried to engage teh Sages in religious deiscussions, and that the said Jacob would attempt to teach them in the name of Yeshu ben Pantera (one of many variations). Apparently a rabbinic name for Jesus, it was also connected to another name given him by the rabbis, Yeshu ben Stada (Tractate Shabbat 104b). The names, ben Pantera and ben Stada are of doubtfull origin. Some have said that ben Pantera means "son of a panther" and that ben Stada, connected with the Greek ANASTATOS, "seditious", means "son of sedition" (against the Romans???). These names certainly suggest someone one who is agressive, and not at all the pacific figure that later Christianity has made Jesus out to be. Certainly the name "son of a panther" is very reminiscent of the name "sons of thunder" given to the sons of Zebedee Therefore it is not at all surprising that the Talmud itself, in at least one place, CALLS JESUS A "REVOLUTIONARY" !!! (BAR HAFUCHI - Sanhedrin 43a). One of the first written indications that there now existed two opposing "Christianities" comes from the pen of Justin Martyr, a gentile Christian, born and raised in the Land of Israel. In his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, he states that he disagrees with all of his fellow gentile Christians as to the illegitimacy of the Jewish "Church". Justin states that he disagrees with the Evyonim's insistence that all believers, Jew AND gentile, must follow the Law of Moses, but he nonetheless states that the Jewish believers are entitled to follow the Law if they so desire. He is quite friendly to the Evyonim and is ready to associate with them in all things if they are willing to do so. The reaction of the Evyonim to Justin's overtures is not known. But Justin Martyr stands alone in his acceptance of the Jewish followers of Jesus. All of his contemporaries strongly disagree with his friendly attitude toward them. Irenaeus, a fellow gentile Christian, also from the East, is particularly vocal in his condemnation. He scoffs at them and ridicules them, stating that rightly are they called "Poor People" since they have a poor opinion of Jesus and a poor understanding of his message. We learn a few facts about the Evyonim from Iranaeus. For one thing, he tells us that the Evyonim were strict vegetarians and that they were against the system of animal sacrifice. This of course is moot since at that time the Temple no longer stood. Yet Iranaeus states that the Evyonim faced Jerusalem when they prayed, an indication of their religious illogic, since the whole reason for facing Jerusalem in prayer is that Jerusalem is the place of the Temple Mount. We also learn that the only gospel that they accepted was that of Matthew, and Iranaeus explicitly states that the Evyonim maintained their copy of Matthew in Hebrew. This in consonance with the theory held by most students of the New Testament, to wit, that Matthew was originally composed in Hebrew and later translated into Greek. Whether by "Matthew", Irenaeus means the very same text of what we know as the current Gospel According to St. Matthew, is open to question. We learn from other sources that the Evyonim also possessed a Hebrew book called MA'ASEI HA-SHLUCHIM, "Acts of the Apostles". This is NOT the New Testa ent book bearing the same name, but rather a sort of anti-Paul, pro- James and pro-Peter version of the history of the church. There is a body of literature which stems from this period known as the Clementine writings, or Pseudo Clementines, ostensibly from the pen of a certain Clement who received these traditions from a Jewish "Christian" source. This Clement was supposedly a disciple of Peter and the third bishop of Rome. These writings contain much important information regarding Evyon (Nazarene) beliefs and attitudes. From them we learn that the Evyonim believed that Jesus had risen from the dead as messiah of Israel, that he had been the only man to completely and perfectly fullfilled every commandment of the law and by virtue of that fullfilment, merited being the messiah. Further, they belived that Jesus was the Son of G-d but not in the way that traditional Christianity believed that; their belief was that Jesus became in "adopted" son of G-d at his baptism, having a special relationship to G-d but not bieng His literal divine son; they did not have any belief in Jesus born of a virgin in a natal epiphany; neither did they impute any Christological meaning to his crucifixion; according to them, people were not "saved" by accepting Jesus as their "personal saviour", and therefore, although they practiced baptism, their understanding of that rite was similar to the Jeiwsh one, namely, that baptism was a necessary prerequisite for the cleansing of sin and admittance into the Kingdom of Heaven; likewise when they celebrated the Last Supper, it was part of their Passover service in which they did it in memory of Jesus' fellowship with their ancestors. They considered Jesus, not as saviour, but as messiah and his mission as the man transformed into the heavenly Son of Man who shall return to usher in the messianic era. They refused to refer to Jesus as Christ, and conversely, their usage of the term, Son of Man, caused the gentile Christians to stop using that as a title for Jesus. The belief in the ultimate return of Jesus (Parousia) played a more important role in the religion of the Evyonim than in that of gentile Christianity. It is this fact, and this alone which alowed the emerging Roman Catholic Church to survive and which caused Jewish "Christianity" to die out. Without the return of Jesus bringing the messianic age which was the original imptus of Nazarenism, there was no strong rationale for it to continue on once its adherants lost faith that it ever would occur. But that was not to happen until the begining of the fifth Christian century. It is a testimony to the strong faith of Jesus' Jewish followers that, as a distinct group, THEY CONTINUED TO EXIST FOR FOUR CENTURIES! One explanation ot this is that, to a limited degree, they continued, and were successful, in proselytizing gentiles to their to their community. This, of course, implies that they first converted these proselytes to "Judaism" in which they followed the laws of the Torah. The over-riding rationale for this is their belief that SALVATION DEPENDS UPON GOOD WORKS. This is attested to by no less a witness than the famous third century rabbi, Resh Lakish, who said that hell may have no power over these MINIM since they are full of good works. Circumcision was a prerequisite of this conversion. According to the Evyonim literature, Jesus healed the child of the Syro-Phoenician woman whom he had called a dog, only after she had converted to Evyonim Judaism. From Pella, they supposedly launched an agressive campaign of proselytization in eastern Syria which was quite successful. They were enabled in this by the fact that the gentile Christians were not active in this area for a long time. Of course these "conversions" would not be acceptable to the nation of Israel because, like the Sadducees and Essenes before them, they did not accept the Rabbinic (Talmudic) interpretation of the scriptures. The only legitimate interpretors of the Torah for Evyonim were the Apostles of Jesus who held the position of Nazarene "Beth Din" and "Sanhedrin". They did not deny that the Pharisees had been the original legitimate interpretors of the Tradition but they believed that by not becoming followers of the messiah Jesus, the scribes and Pharisees were disinherited as true religious leaders of Israel and, that this office was handed over to the Apostles, first and foremost to Peter, and passed down to a succession of Nazarene bishops, and ultimately to themsleves. They continued to hold the Shema, the Jewish confession of G-d's unity, as a central prayer which means that they had no belief in a Trinity. They believed that animal sacrifice had come to an end and would not be restored in the messianic age because sacrifice had been replaced by cleansing baptism since the time that Jesus himself was baptized by John. As proof of this, they maintained that G-d Himself had allowed the Temple to be destroyed as a demonstration that He no longer wished animal sacrifice as a cleansing atonement. As a corollary to this, they abstained from eating meat, basing their vegetarianism on the example of those who lived before Noah and also did not eat flesh, and they also looked upon their withdrawal from meat as an intensification of the laws of KASHRUT. Regarding the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, both Jews and Evyonim believed that the dead would rise but their beliefs were based on different premises. Jews stated that the belief in a final resurrection could be found within the Hebrew scriptures while the Evyonim denied such a basis. THEIR sole basis for belief in a coming resurrection was that Jesus, by his own resurrection, had established a PARADIGM for the state of future blessedness of mankind. They equated poverty with righteousness as their name implies, and just as the earliest Nazarenes, they held all property in common. Apparently they retained much of the synagogue liturgy, praying at the common times of Jewish prayer, morning and evening. They referred to the houses of worship as synagogues, refusing to use the Christian expression ECCLESIA, "church". They also observed all the Jewish fast days. This in essence represents the major hilights of Evyonim religion. As stated, many of the Evyonim lived in Galilee. Eusebius quotes earlier Christian writers who report that from time to time, during the second century, the Romans would harrass the family of Jesus who still lived in Galilee by occaisional interrogations as to their alleged anti- Roman activities. We have indications from various writers of the time, both Jewish and gentile, that there were Evyonim enclaves in Neburaiah, (near the presnt Lebonese border), Caesarea, on the northern Mediterranean, and, of course, Capernaum on Lake Kinneret (Sea of Galilee). But there was also an Evyonim "diaspora" in Trans-Jordan, particularly in the city of Pella, eastward across from Galilee. Irenaeus indicates that the Pella Evyonim considered themselves living in Exile (Gallut), and longed for the time that the Parousia might occur so that they might return to the Holy Land. Hegesippus, an early Christian writer, quoted by Eusebius, tells that the settlement at Pella began under Simon Bar Clopas or Cleophas, the cousin of Jesus, and successor to James as Nazarene leader. This settlement at Pella began to assume greater and greater importance in the history of Jesus's Jewish followers as Jewish life in the Holy Land declined over the next three centuries. Pella, in effect, became a sort of Nazarene Yavneh, the place where Nazarene, or Evyon, leadership decided religious issues for the community and developed their traditions. Sometime before his death, Bar Clopas returned to the Holy Land where, in the year CE 107, as a very old man, he suffered crucifixion on the charge of messianic subversion against the government. The Romans were anxious to rid themselves of any individual claiming to be a descendant of King David, and they used any pretext, and it is this Davidic lineage which brought about Clopas' martyrdom. The lot of the Evyonim was indeed a poor one. Aside from the harrassment that they had to endure from the Romans, there was the animosity of the "orthodox" among their own people. Rabbi Tarphon, a well known Sage of the early second century said of the Evyonim that "they know G-d but deny Him." Another Sage, Rabbi Ishmael, excoriated them for causing schism within the Jewish People. Rabbi Akiva, THE great Sage of the second century was particularly antipathetic towards them but in his case the reason may have been more political than religious since Akiva championed the second revolt against Rome, a revolt in which the Evyonim refused to take part. All social intercourse and discussion between Jews and Evyonim were forbidden by the rabbis but this admonition was ignored by the people until after CE 135 when the final break between Judaism and Jewish "Christianity" took place. Sometimes apparently it was ignored by certain of the rabbis themselves. The Evyonim, as other Jews, wrote copies of various holy writings. The rabbis ordered that these books be burned when found even though they contained the names of G-d. Tractate Chullin 2:21-22 says that "meat found in the possession of a sectarian (Evyon) is forbidden to be eaten ... their SHECHITAH (ritual slaughtering) is considered idolatry, their bread is the bread of Samaritans, their wine is the wine offered to idols, their fruits are considered untithed, their books are considered as books of witchcraft, and their children are MAMZERIM (bastards)." As to this last statement, not only does it imply that intermarriage with the Evyonim was prohibited but more importantly, it indicated that the rabbis still considered them to be Jews since a gentile cannot ever have the hallachic status of MAMZER. The Tractate further states that it is forbidden to do business with them, to be teachers for them, to engage in fixing their property, or to have them as either doctors or as patients (if one is a physician). Further, regarding their books, Tractate Shabbat 116a of the Talmud, addresses those of the BE ABIDAN and of the BE NITSRAFI; it asks, Do we save their books from the flames or not? It does not answer but merely reports that certain Rabbis, notably Rabbi Meir, refered to their books as AVEN-GILYON. No one knows for certain what the meanings of BE ABIDAN and BE NITSRAFI are. BE is the short form of the Hebrew word, BET, "house" or "school". ABIDAN appears to be connected with the Hebrew root ABD, "to destroy" or "to be lost" and the reference may mean someting like "the house (or school) of those who are lost or destroyed", although some suggest that it may be a corruption of BE EVYON. NITSRAFI appears to be connected with the word NOTSRI, "Nazarene" and the Hebrew root TSRF, "to unite", and the reference may mean "the house where the Nazarenes come together". That both of these expressions point to the Evyonim is clear from the rabbinic pun AVEN-GILYON upon the greek word for the gospels, EVANGELION. AVEN-GILYON litterally means "a worthless scroll". Rabbi Meir, who was one of the first to use the pun, was a student of Rabbi Akiba, one of the fiercest opponents of the Jewish followers of Jesus. Elsewhere (Tractate Eruvin 79b), Rabbi Samuel speaks of the " ... wine of the BE NITSRAFI, which they drink on the day of their feast" indicating that the BE NITSRAFI is a worse place in which to find oneself than the BE ABIDAN because the BE NITSRAFI was a place where wine was used for religious purposes, a synagogue or meeting place for religious holidays. The Talmud relates incidents involving at least two of the contemporary Sages, Rabbi ben Dama and Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanos, and the Evyonim. Ben Dama, a prominent rabbi, apparently wished to allow a certain Evyon named Jacob (James - a common name amonmg the Evyonim) to cure him when he became ill and had to be disuaded by his uncle, Rabbi Ishmael. This same Rabbi Ishmael once had a controversy with an Evyon which is related in Tractate Nedarim 32b. The Evyon was extolling the virtues of Melchizedek, the high priest of G-d. Rabbi Ishmael down-played the importance of Melchizedek by stressing that G-d had taken away his priesthood and given it to Abraham. No doubt Rabbi Ishmael was conversant with much of current Evyon thought, in which Melchizedek is seen as a kind of proto-type of Jesus, as being an eternal priest of G-d. Possibly the Evyonim had their own version of the New Testament's Epistle to the Hebrews in which the figure of Melchizedek, as an archtype and foreshadowing of Jesus, plays a prominent role. More serious was the case of Rabbi Eliezer who was a very influential collegue of Rabbi Akiva. He associated with Evyonim to such a degree that he became suspect of being one. At one point in his life, Rabbi Eliezer was excommunicated on the grounds that he had become an Evyon. Only after completely disassociating himself from them and formally declaring that he had never been an Evyon, was the ban of excommunication lifted from him. Thereafter, Rabbi Eliezer was looked upon as the Jewish "expert" on Jesus and his Jewish followers, and in many places in the Talmud, questions concerning Jesus and the Evyonim are put to him by his collegues. Then too there was the animosity from the gentile believers in Jesus the Christ who condemned them both for holding to the Mosaic Law and for separating themsleves from the gentile Church. Jerome, a Christian writer aptly describes them with these words: "As long as they wish to be both Jews and Christians, they are neither." The greatest irony in all of this was that whereas James had decreed that althouogh Torah observance was incumbent upon Jewish followers, it was not so upon gentile believers, now the gentile Church decreed that Torah observance was not only not incumbent on anyone, it was a declaration of a heresy that said that one needed good deeds for salvation more than one needed the Saviour. Thus by the middle of the second Christian century, this group of Jewish followers of Jesus was beset on all sides by a hostile environment with nowhere to turn but inward, a path destined to lead to an eventual weakening and dissolution. It was towards the middle of the second century that the Evyonim were delivered a very serious blow, one that they found difficult to recover from. This was during the second Jewish uprising against Rome, known as the Bar Cochba revolt.
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